This article is published as part of the CSVR Justice Op-Ed Series for the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence.

The Bolwana* and Vayo* families are currently at odds with one another over the murder of their first granddaughter, who was brutally killed by her father, Stan Vayo*. The perpetrator has since been arrested, appeared before the Mthatha Magistrates Court, and ordered to undergo a full psychological assessment at the Nelson Mandela Academic Hospital before the criminal case can proceed. Yet this legal step offers little comfort. Both families remain suspended in grief, trapped in emotional turmoil, guilt, and the profound rupture that femicide leaves within a family system.

This tragedy is not an isolated incident. Globally, recent femicide estimates reveal that nearly 50 000 women and girls were killed by their partners last year, with Africa showing the highest number of intimate partner/family member femicide incidences per region1. In South Africa, recent media reports indicate a sharp increase in this crime, however, no official monitor exists which actively tracks cases of femicide when reported. Conviction rates for the crime are also reportedly low, with less than 1 in 5 of intimate-partner femicide cases ending in a court judgement2. While criminal justice is key to ensuring families and friends of the victim receive the meaningful closure they deserve, current policing and judicial processes lack sensitivity to the psychosocial needs of the bereaved during investigation, trial and post-conviction.

The post-traumatic impact of femicide experienced by those left behind is hardly recognised and prioritised in the quest for justice. Behind each femicide case remains parents, children, relatives and friends of the victim that must face the aftermath of the heinous crime and its psychological aftereffects, which can last for years. Unique family dynamics can further complicate the bereavement process for parties involved, for example, when the perpetrator shared a child/children with the victim or the perpetrator and their family are closely known to the victim's family. Therefore, it is imperative for family members and loved ones to receive dedicated emotional wellness support in tandem with the criminal justice process. The phenomenon of femicide has far-reaching and multifaceted impacts on families, which extend beyond the immediate loss of a loved one. Families of femicide victims frequently endure profound emotional and psychological trauma. The grief associated with such a violent loss can lead to enduring mental health issues, including depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Research has shown that the psychological ramifications can disrupt family dynamics and individual functioning, often resulting in a cycle of trauma that affects subsequent generations3. This emotional toll is compounded by the fact that femicide often occurs within contexts of intimate-partner violence, where families may already be grappling with existing trauma and stressors.

Children who witness or who are affected by the femicide of a parent face unique and severe challenges. Studies indicate that these children are at a heightened risk for emotional and behavioural problems, which can lead to difficulties in school, relationships, and their own mental health4. They may also be at greater risk of experiencing violence in their own lives, creating a generational cycle of violence that is difficult to break. In communities with high rates of femicide, societal fear and instability can become pervasive, undermining social cohesion and leading to increased violence and criminal activity5. This environment can affect not only the immediate families of femicide victims but also the broader community, as fear can stifle social interactions and support networks.

To ensure that access to justice for families and loved ones affected by femicide is trauma-informed and victim-centred, the following mechanisms must be put in place:

1. Immediate and specialised mental health and psychosocial support – This includes regular access to therapeutic services specific to the psychosocial needs of the families involved. The psychosocial support can involve trauma counselling, group grief therapy and family counselling to help rebuild the shattered family as a result of the violent act. The interventions must be long-term and structured in nature to allow loved ones ample time to process and adjust to the emotional repercussions of femicide.

2. Provision of quality social welfare services to child victims of femicide – To children who have lost one or both of their parents to femicide (either as perpetrator or victim of the crime), this can be an extremely distressing and unsettling period in their lives. It is crucial that minors who were under the care of the deceased victim be provided with sustained statutory services that seek to always promote the best interests of the children and inclusive of their views, where possible.

3. A strengthened focus on conflict resolution – As mentioned, femicide cases can often leave families in a state of disarray. Mediation should also be made paramount as part of the criminal justice process for containment of secondary matters that may arise post the gender-related killing such as child custody and family disputes.

4. Increased advocacy for standardised care-centred reparations for femicide victims across all provinces – Lawmakers must put systems in place within the judicial process that will allow for comprehensive and long-term support for victims of gendered-killings. This includes travel and accommodation costs at the expense of the State during legal proceedings, particularly for family members that reside far from the Court where a femicide case is being heard.

5. Strengthening of legal frameworks for stricter penalties for violence against women – Government must enforce laws that protect women from domestic violence and harassment, while ensuring that law enforcement agencies are adequately trained to respond effectively to reports of violence. In addition to this, concerted efforts must be done to increase the number of shelters, crisis hotlines and counselling to empower gender-based violence victims and offer them safe avenues to seek help.

6. Adopt and promote sustainable interventions for attitudinal change in boys and men – Civil society, the private sector and government institutions must play a greater role in engaging men and boys on progressive discussions about gender equality and respectful behaviours to build a culture that does not tolerate violence against women and girls.

Justice for families impacted by femicide must take on a multi-layered approach, one that acknowledges the emotional, social, and psychological dimensions of this devastating crime. While the system remains slow to evolve, families like the Bolwanas, the Vayos, and countless others continue to shoulder the heavy and often invisible burden of grief as they fight for accountability.

The opinion piece is written in memory of girls and women everywhere who have fallen victim to the senseless act of femicide as well as the bereaved families and friends left behind.

* The names of the families and individuals in this piece have been altered to safeguard their identities

What happens when the very technologies built to connect and empower us become weapons of surveillance, control, and gendered harm? Over the last decade, digital tools and online spaces have transformed how people organise, mobilise, and advocate for gender equality and social justice. Movements like #MeToo, #BringBackOurGirls, the Gen Z anti-Finance Bill protests, monitoring of the extreme sexual violence in South Sudan, as well as the recent wave of South African online platforms turning purple to raise awareness of gender-based violence and femicide, all grew through the reach of online networks. Yet the same tools are reported to drive a surge in sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), both online and offline, threatening to undermine the long-standing fight for gender equality. This year's 16 Days of Activism to End Gender-based Violence draws global attention to technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV), under the theme: "UNiTE to End Digital Violence against All Women and Girls". Often referred to as technology-facilitated violence against women and girls (TF-VAWG), these harms increasingly affect women, girls, and gender diverse people. TFGBV encompasses acts of violence that are committed, assisted, or amplified through digital tools and platforms, targeting individuals based on gender. These abuses take many rapidly evolving forms, such as deepfake image-based sexual abuse, non-consensual sharing of intimate images, online harassment, doxing, impersonation, and cyberstalking, among others.

While social media and digital platforms have opened unprecedented opportunities for connection and advocacy, they have also intensified risk, particularly for women, girls and LGBTQ+ people. According to a 2020 Economist Intelligence Unit study, 85% of women globally reported experiencing or witnessing online violence, with higher prevalence in countries marked by entrenched gender inequality. Deepfake technologies reveal an even starker gender disparity; an estimated 96% of deepfakes are non-consensual, and 99% of sexual deepfakes involve women.

Digital violence has profound consequences. It compromises the safety, security, and well-being of women and gender-diverse individuals, and undermines the hard-won gains toward gender equality fought for offline. Recent reports document that artificial intelligence and algorithmic systems, from social media platforms, including X, Instagram, Facebook to search engines, are biased, often reproducing existing racialised and gendered discrimination found offline. In many cases, automated machine systems reproduce and often amplify social differences and inequalities. Online abuse, therefore, produces real-world harms.

Victims of TFGBV often experience emotional and psychological distress, including anxiety, depression, indignity, social isolation, and embarrassment. Abusers also use technology to monitor and track victims, creating serious threats to physical safety. Online abuse can damage reputations, limit employment opportunities, and in the worst cases, contribute to suicide or escalate into criminal acts such as extortion and brutal violence.

This raises a critical question: What does protection and justice look like in a world where violence transcends borders and evolves faster than the laws meant to contain it?

In recent years, international, regional, and national bodies have begun developing normative instruments to directly address TF-VAWG. The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights Resolution on the Protection of Women Against Digital Violence in Africa ACHPR/Res.522 (LXXII) 2022 calls on all States to expand definitions of gender-based violence to include cyber-harassment, cyberstalking, sexist hate speech, and other forms of violations targeting individuals based on gender, particularly women. The 2024 African Union Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls (AU CEVAWG) urges Member States to establish legally binding obligations to address violence against women and girls on online platforms and in digital spaces. In South Africa, the Cybercrimes Act (2020) criminalises online harassment, the Protection from Harassment Act (2011) enables victims to seek protection orders, and the Film and Publications Act (1996) regulates harmful online content, amongst others. The Domestic Violence Amendment Act (2021) also recognises harassment via electronic communication. Despite these commitments, there are limitations in the language used to describe these crimes and in how the law comprehends and addresses these violations.

Confronting TFGBV, therefore, requires a holistic, survivor-centred approach to justice. TF-VAWG cases often involve cross-border creation and circulation of content, making it difficult to prosecute perpetrators or identify those responsible. The ever-changing environment of artificial intelligence, social media, and other digital tools also means new harms that laws often have to play catch-up. This means recognising justice as more than a legal remedy, but also ensuring safety, dignity, respect, and access to systems that do not re-traumatise survivors.

States must criminalise emerging forms of digital abuse, strengthen cross-border cooperation, develop transparent and rapid content-removal mechanisms, properly resource enforcement and support services, and integrate digital safety into education systems. Equally crucial is ensuring that women participate meaningfully in the design, development, monitoring, and evaluation of digital platforms and technologies.

Without strong accountability and coherent legislative and policy frameworks, the "justice gap" will only widen, leaving survivors unprotected and unheard in the very spaces meant to elevate their voices.

According to reports, armed assailants abducted 303 school children, aged between 10 and 18, and 12 teachers from the boarding school. This is not an isolated event. Rather, it is part of a long-term pattern of violence targeting women and girls characterised by abductions, forced marriage, sexual violence, and terror-driven coercion. Such atrocities have become tragically common across northern Nigeria, devastating families and destabilising entire communities.

This mass abduction occurs on the eve of the global 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence, a period dedicated to mobilising global action to end violence against women and girls. Instead of progress, we are confronted with yet another painful reminder that gender-based violence remains an escalating human rights crisis across the continent.

The abduction of these young girls is not just an attack on their future; it is an affront to our shared humanity. As we mark the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence, we are reminded that our commitments are meaningless if girls cannot attend school safely. CSVR urges urgent, coordinated action to ensure the immediate return of these children and their teachers, safeguard all girls across the region, and offer psychosocial support to families facing overwhelming fear and uncertainty. Africa must unite – governments, civil society, and communities – to end these cycles of violence against women and girls,

CSVR calls for the following:

1. Immediate and Decisive Leadership CSVR urges the Nigerian Government to mobilise all available security, intelligence, and investigative resources to urgently rescue and securely return the abducted girls. We call on the African Union, ECOWAS, and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights to provide coordinated support and oversight.

2. Solidarity and Collective Action Across Africa and Beyond

We call for increased solidarity between state and non-state actors, including civil society, women's rights organisations, humanitarian agencies, and community networks. Fragmented responses encourage perpetrators. Unified, coordinated action is crucial to preventing further atrocities.

3. Protection, Mental Health, and Psychosocial Support

CSVR emphasises the urgent need for:

• Mental Health and Psychosocial Support (MHPSS) for families of abducted girls and for the girls who have escaped and reunited with their families.

• Strengthened protection measures for schools and communities at risk, and

• Immediate and long-term survivor support once all abducted girls and teachers are rescued, including healthcare, social reintegration and educational support.

4. Long-Term Prevention and Structural Solutions Beyond emergency response, Nigeria and regional partners must invest in long-term strategies that:

• Build community resilience, safety and security

• Address drivers of violence and extremist recruitment

• End gender inequality, and

• Protect girls' education in at-risk regions and communities as a fundamental right.

CSVR stands in solidarity with the abducted girls, their families, and all Nigerian communities affected by this ongoing violence. We urge African and global leaders to act decisively and compassionately to bring an end to these atrocities and safeguard the rights and dignity of women and girls everywhere.

School violence manifests itself in many forms including discipline problems such as fighting among learners, bullying, utterances of crude and sexist remarks against fellow learners and teachers, racism, stabbings, shootings at schools and even murder.

However, given that race frequently intersects with gender and class at the point of perpetration and marginalization, these issues need to be considered in conjunction with identity issues more generally.

Given the racism of the country's past (which, unlike other countries, was legally and socially entrenched through the apartheid system), the racialized quality of such violence poses a particularly difficult and direct challenge to South Africa's fragile human rights culture. While racism and racially motivated violence continue to play themselves out in the new South Africa there is never a deep engagement and unpacking of a culture of school-based violence.

The recent violent and racial events are indicative of a larger societal problem that we can no longer afford to ignore. In November 2024, a grade 12 learner allegedly stabbed a Grade 9 learner to death on the school premises. Last week, three school pupils from a school in Durban were taken to hospital after being stabbed in an alleged racial altercation. While the KwaZulu-Natal Department of Education has condemned the racism-related violence that erupted, we have to recognise that these are not isolated incidents, but manifestations of a larger systemic problem. Violence in schools in South Africa is embedded in this bigger (national) picture of violence.

Racialised violence in schools is not an isolated phenomenon but a systemic issue that perpetuates exclusionary practices, reinforcing the dominance of white cultures. Black learners from various schools across the country continue to experience racial discrimination due to the texture of their hair; these incidents have been widely reported in the media, sparking significant social media outcries. This underscores how deeply ingrained such practices remain.

The truth is that almost 31 years into democracy, our schools are still grappling with the politics of Black hair, as many policies remain overly restrictive regarding hairstyles Black students can freely wear on school grounds. The auctioning of Black learners at a school in Cape Town and the 2022 protest in Randfontein over a derogatory racial slur further underscore the prevalence of racialised violence in educational settings.

These incidents raise critical questions: What emboldens such harmful behaviours among learners? What factors drive the repeated occurrence of racialised violence, despite the progress schools claim to make toward inclusion and safety? Are these acts treated as isolated, one-off incidents, or should they be examined within a broader historical and structural context of school violence prevention?

Investigating these issues as singular events only scratches the surface, failing to acknowledge the systemic nature of exclusionary practices and their entwinement with broader cultural and social dynamics. To create truly safe learning environments, we must interrogate why such behaviours continue and what societal forces embolden them.

Going forward, we need to address the underlying causes of school violence and create the deep-rooted changes that must occur to create safe learning environments for all children. Schools shouldn't wait for a racist incident to happen to be engaging with the realities racism in a post-apartheid society. In fact, all schools in South Africa ought to actively engage in anti-racism education and frame it within the historical and societal contexts that perpetuate inequality. Only then can we begin to dismantle exclusionary practices and create educational spaces where all students, regardless of their race, gender or faith can thrive.

This article was originally published on Cape Times IOL.

Gugu Nonjinge and Tsholofelo Nakedi are Advocacy Specialists at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation

Lesotho, a small mountainous nation nestled in the heart of Southern Africa, stands at a pivotal moment as it charts its path toward stability and justice. Often described as the "Kingdom in the Sky" because of its breathtaking highland terrain, Lesotho's journey is defined by its rich cultural heritage and the challenges of political instability.

From 2 to 5 December 2024, the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) and the African Union (AU), with support from GIZ, held a capacity-building workshop in Maseru, Lesotho. The workshop aimed to support the implementation of the African Union Transitional Justice Policy (AUTJP) and strengthen the capacity of Security Agencies and Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in Lesotho on the AUTJP. More specifically, the critically important roles envisaged for them in the AUTJP. This initiative is part of the ongoing AU-CSVR Mission, designed to assist Lesotho in developing a responsive and holistic policy framework and implementing a comprehensive Transitional Justice process. Central to this initiative is the collaboration between CSVR, the AU, Lesotho's National Reconciliation and Transitional Office (NRTO) and the Ministry of Law and Justice, whose leadership plays a vital role in driving and overseeing these processes. This capacity-building effort is part of a broader project to strengthen transitional justice processes across five AU member states, guided by the principles and standards of the African Union Transitional Justice Policy. The strong partnership between the AU, CSVR, the NRTO, and the Ministry of Law and Justice underscores the importance of a coordinated, national approach to justice, reconciliation, and accountability, paving the way for sustainable peace in Lesotho.

The capacity-building workshop aimed to popularise the AUTJP and address Lesotho's history of political crises, governance challenges, and emerging/nascent transitional justice processes. This period of transitional justice in Lesotho offers an opportunity to address historical injustices and lay the foundation for sustainable peace and stability. However, achieving this depends on strong leadership, an inclusive approach, and the ability to confront systemic barriers that have long undermined the country's democratic development.

The Importance of Transitional Justice for Lesotho's Future

Lesotho's history of political instability has been shaped by repeated cycles of contested elections, military coups, and fragile governance. While the country has made progress in democratizing over the years, the persistence of political uncertainty marked by volatile coalition governments has left many Basotho uncertain about their government's institutions and processes. Transitional justice in this context offers an avenue for mental health and psychosocial support, healing, accountability, and reconciliation, targeting the root causes of these cycles of instability. Transitional Justice seeks to respond to issues of impunity, human rights violations, and the erosion of state institutions while fostering social cohesion among communities and marginalized groups.

The AUTJP provides a guiding framework that is particularly relevant for countries like Lesotho as they embark on this journey. The AUTJP emphasizes accountability, inclusion, participation, and adherence to human rights principles while also incorporating mechanisms such as truth-seeking, reparations, and institutional reforms. For Lesotho, engaging with guiding principles and frameworks like the AUTJP could strengthen its transitional justice mechanisms and processes. At the same time, international/development partners such as the EU and GIZ, CSVR and the AU offer financial and technical support, respectively.

Challenges

However, Lesotho's path toward transitional justice is not without its challenges. One of the most pressing obstacles lies in political will, leadership, and the opposition parties. Many citizens view transitional justice through a lens of scepticism, fearing that it may become politicized and used to target dissenting voices rather than serve as a genuine mechanism for accountability and healing. For transitional justice to succeed, political leaders must demonstrate courage and integrity by showing their commitment to processes that prioritize the collective interest of the nation rather than narrow political gains and opposing views/dissenting opinions.

Another significant challenge lies in the inclusivity of the process. Many people in Lesotho, just like other African countries, especially marginalized groups such as women, youth, and rural communities, feel disconnected from political processes and decision-making. Therefore, any transitional justice effort must actively engage the population, ensuring that all voices are heard and diverse perspectives are considered. Grassroots participation will foster a sense of ownership and ensure that the mechanisms in place address all citizens' needs and concerns. Without this inclusive approach, the processes risk exclusion and failure.

In addition, the challenges of weak institutional capacity cannot be overlooked. Many challenges facing Lesotho's governance are rooted in under-resourced and weakened institutions. The inability of these institutions to ensure transparency, accountability, and justice has eroded public trust. Transitional justice requires strong institutions that can implement reforms, support victims of injustice, and ensure that corruption or inefficiencies do not undermine accountability mechanisms. Strengthening these institutions will be critical for creating a sustainable and long-lasting framework for justice.

Furthermore, challenges persist in fully integrating security officials into the transitional justice framework. A lack of trust between the public and security institutions hinders reconciliation efforts. Overcoming this mistrust will require transparency, accountability, and a commitment to meaningful reforms. Equally important is ensuring that security officials feel included in transitional justice processes, as their buy-in is critical for the success of institutional reforms and broader reconciliation.

Opportunities

While these challenges present formidable hurdles, they highlight meaningful reform and nation-building opportunities. Lesotho has the chance to redefine its trajectory by adopting innovative, traditional and culturally sensitive transitional justice mechanisms that align with its unique identity and values. Traditional Basotho mechanisms, grounded in community-led reconciliation, peace and justice processes, could be integrated with modern legal frameworks. This blend of tradition and modern approaches could resonate more deeply with communities, creating a space where healing and accountability coexist.

Civil society organizations in Lesotho have also played a vital role in promoting democracy, accountability, and human rights. These groups have the expertise, networks, and connections to act as intermediaries between the government and communities, ensuring that the voices of ordinary citizens are heard. They are already actively advocating for reforms, transparency, and the implementation of justice mechanisms that align with the principles of equality and dignity, as they largely gathered during the capacity-building workshop. Strengthening these organizations through partnerships and technical support could enhance their ability to lead grassroots movements and mobilize communities toward collective healing and reconciliation.

A significant opportunity of Lesotho's transitional justice journey involves strengthening the role of security officials, whose actions profoundly impact the success of peacebuilding and reconciliation efforts. Historically, Lesotho's security forces have been both victims and participants in cycles of political unrest and violence. As a result, transitional justice must address its role holistically, integrating accountability mechanisms while rebuilding trust and capacity within these institutions.

By fostering dialogue between security officials, civil society, and the broader population, these institutions can help bridge gaps and create a shared understanding of security forces' role in supporting transitional justice. Their leadership, coupled with the technical and financial support of the African Union, ensures that security reform is not just a peripheral aspect of transitional justice but a cornerstone of Lesotho's journey toward peace.

Transitional justice in Lesotho also offers a broader opportunity to strengthen regional cooperation and partnerships. The country's engagement with the African Union and other regional bodies can provide moral and financial support. Furthermore, with their experiences in transitional justice, neighbouring nations can serve as learning models, offering lessons on building sustainable and inclusive peace processes. This regional solidarity could be pivotal as Lesotho navigates its unique challenges.

Lesotho's journey toward transitional justice involves addressing historical injustices and building a foundation for sustainable peace, stability, and good governance. The government, civil society, and the international community must collaborate to ensure this process is transparent, inclusive, and accountable. Lesotho can turn its legacy of political instability into a powerful story of resilience, healing, and renewal.

Conclusion

Lesotho is at a critical juncture and has the potential to reshape its future through a robust and inclusive transitional justice process. All stakeholders must recognize that transitional justice is more than a mechanism. It is a vision for a better, fairer, and more unified Lesotho. With genuine commitment, strategic leadership, and a focus on inclusivity, the country can confront its challenges head-on, strengthen its democratic institutions, and inspire hope for future generations. Transitional justice is not merely about the past; it is a blueprint for shaping a more just and equitable future for all Basotho.

With the support of the African Union, the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, the National Reconciliation and Transitional Office (NRTO) leadership, and the Ministry of Law and Justice, the country can address past injustices and foster long-term reconciliation. However, success will depend on overcoming political and institutional challenges, ensuring broad public participation, and empowering civil society. By embracing these principles and maintaining a steadfast commitment to justice and peace, Lesotho can pave the way for a more unified, just, and peaceful future for all its citizens. The journey ahead is undoubtedly challenging, but with determination and collaboration, Lesotho can emerge as a beacon of hope and healing in the region.

The Department of Political Affairs, Peace, and Security (PAPS) of the African Union Commission (AUC) and the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) organised the 8^th Edition of the African Transitional Justice Forum from September 11 to 12, 2024, in Port Louis, Mauritius.

The Forum is an annual multi-stakeholder platform that evaluates the state of Transitional Justice (TJ) in Africa to advance the implementation of the African Union Transitional Justice Policy (AUTJP) in Africa. In line with the AU Theme of the Year, "Educate an African fit for the 21st Century: Building resilient education systems for increased access to inclusive, lifelong, quality, and relevant learning in Africa", the participants of the 8th Edition of the Forum delved into the critical nexus between TJ and Education, exploring how these twin pillars can catalyse positive change, foster reconciliation and transformative justice, and fortify societies for a brighter future in line with the theme's goal to build resilient education systems for increased access to inclusive, lifelong, quality, and relevant learning in Africa.

At the opening ceremony of the Forum, Ms Patience Chiradza, AU Director for Governance and Conflict Prevention, stated: "When applied to education, Transitional Justice can help to transform a society by addressing historical injustices, fostering inclusivity and promoting a culture of human rights".

"The three decades of transitional justice practice on the continent impose on us the need to reflect on the successes, challenges, and the role of learning and education in mobilising societies and communities for peace, building resilience, and empowering the future", said Mr Tefo Raditapole, Chairperson of the Board of the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation.

Officially opening the Forum, The Honourable Maneesh Gobin, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Regional Integration and International Trade, and Attorney General of the Republic of Mauritius stressed: "If we are to adopt policy measures and institutional mechanisms to overcome cases of post conflict divisions and inequalities, we have to incorporate education in the policy making."

This multi-stakeholder platform brought together AU Member States, National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs), AU organs, Regional Economic Communities (RECs), TJ researchers, practitioners, experts, victim networks, academia, and civil society actors, among others, to deliberate on the state of TJ in Africa to strengthen TJ mechanisms and practices.

The 2-day Forum discussions were focused on sub-themes that made up various panel discussions: Keynote Address: Three Decades of TJ in Africa: Reflections on Successes, Challenges, and the Role of Education in Building a Lasting Peace, Learning Resilience, and Empowering the Future by Professor Gilbert Khadiagala, Professor of International Relations and Director of the Centre for the Study of the United States at the University of Witwatersrand, South Africa, followed by Eight Sessions: 1. State of TJ in Africa: Unpacking Challenges and Successes of TJ Mechanisms in Diverse African Contexts, 2. Aligning and Exploring Education Strategies for Peaceful Societal Transformation and Democratic Consolidation in TJ Contexts With AU Agenda 2063, 3. Successes, Lessons, and Recommendations for Global Development: Opportunities for Future Research on Unlocking the Full Potential of TJ, 4. Addressing Historical Injustices and Promoting Inclusivity via Educational and Transformative Approaches to Gender Equality, Peace, and Security, 5. The Role of Legal Institutions in Ensuring Accountability for Atrocities, Particularly as Concerns Institutional Reforms and Innovative Educational Initiatives that Promote Inclusivity and Reconciliation, 6. Equipping Youth with Skills for Building Resilient Societies and Success Stories of Young Leaders from Post-Conflict Societies. 7. The Role of Education in Restoring Communities After Mass Human Rights Violations, and 8. Collaborative Efforts Between Government, NGOs, RECs, and International Organisations in Building Partnerships for Sustainable Peace and Development – Best Practices and Lessons Learned

Making his interventions virtually, H.E. Mr Adama Dieng, AU Special Envoy for the Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities in Africa, highlighted: "States have the primary responsibility to protect their citizens and ensure their well-being.

If they fail in this duty, they lose the moral authority to claim taxes. When national institutions fail to protect civilians, regional and international justice mechanisms must step in to uphold international accountability."

After two days of extensive discussions, The Honorable Leela Devi Dookun, Vice Prime Minister, Minister of Education, Tertiary Education, Science & Technology of Mauritius officially closed the Forum. Port Louis Declaration/Outcomes Document was presented just before the closing. 

The forum was convened with the support of the European Union as part of the Initiative for Transitional Justice in Africa, which is being implemented by ICTJ, CSVR and ATJLF.

For media inquiries:

Ms. Limi Mohammed, GCP Communications focal point and Web Administrator | Department of Political Affairs, Peace and Security | African Union Commission | Addis Ababa, Ethiopia | Email: shashlm@africa-union.org

Ms. Gugu Nonjinge, Advocacy Specialist | CSVR | Johannesburg, South Africa | Email: GNonjinge@csvr.org.za

Information and Communication Directorate, African Union Commission I E-mail: DIC@africa-union.org
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