This report analyzes past and current reparations programs in South Africa, Rwanda, The Gambia, Kenya, Sierra Leone and Guinea to examine what progress, if any, has been made towards more equitable gender outcomes in their reparations programs. The intention is for the findings of this report to be applied to future and current processes to develop more holistic, transformative results particularly for survivors of gender-based and conflict-related sexual violence. These violations are disproportionately experienced by women and marginalized communities and are too often minimized and dismissed in formal transitional justice mechanisms.

This research will demonstrate that gender-inclusive reparations offer an opportunity to rectify the injustices endured by women in conflict and under authoritarian regimes, as well as the systemic conditions that facilitated those injustices. The report concludes with comprehensive recommendations developed by victims and survivors on policies and programs countries can adopt that promote and embody gender-inclusion.

This report analyzes past and current reparations programs in South Africa, Rwanda, The Gambia, Kenya, Sierra Leone and Guinea to examine what progress, if any, has been made towards more equitable gender outcomes in their reparations programs. The intention is for the findings of this report to be applied to future and current processes to develop more holistic, transformative results particularly for survivors of gender-based and conflict-related sexual violence. These violations are disproportionately experienced by women and marginalized communities and are too often minimized and dismissed in formal transitional justice mechanisms.

This research will demonstrate that gender-inclusive reparations offer an opportunity to rectify the injustices endured by women in conflict and under authoritarian regimes, as well as the systemic conditions that facilitated those injustices. The report concludes with comprehensive recommendations developed by victims and survivors on policies and programs countries can adopt that promote and embody gender-inclusion.

This report analyzes past and current reparations programs in South Africa, Rwanda, The Gambia, Kenya, Sierra Leone and Guinea to examine what progress, if any, has been made towards more equitable gender outcomes in their reparations programs. The intention is for the findings of this report to be applied to future and current processes to develop more holistic, transformative results particularly for survivors of gender-based and conflict-related sexual violence. These violations are disproportionately experienced by women and marginalized communities and are too often minimized and dismissed in formal transitional justice mechanisms.

This research will demonstrate that gender-inclusive reparations offer an opportunity to rectify the injustices endured by women in conflict and under authoritarian regimes, as well as the systemic conditions that facilitated those injustices. The report concludes with comprehensive recommendations developed by victims and survivors on policies and programs countries can adopt that promote and embody gender-inclusion.

This report analyzes past and current reparations programs in South Africa, Rwanda, The Gambia, Kenya, Sierra Leone and Guinea to examine what progress, if any, has been made towards more equitable gender outcomes in their reparations programs. The intention is for the findings of this report to be applied to future and current processes to develop more holistic, transformative results particularly for survivors of gender-based and conflict-related sexual violence. These violations are disproportionately experienced by women and marginalized communities and are too often minimized and dismissed in formal transitional justice mechanisms.

This research will demonstrate that gender-inclusive reparations offer an opportunity to rectify the injustices endured by women in conflict and under authoritarian regimes, as well as the systemic conditions that facilitated those injustices. The report concludes with comprehensive recommendations developed by victims and survivors on policies and programs countries can adopt that promote and embody gender-inclusion.

Nearly seven women are killed by an intimate partner every day, a figure that has remained unchanged since 2009, placing South Africa among the countries with the highest femicide rates in the world. At the same time, more than 100,000 girls between the ages of 10 and 19 gave birth in 2024, including 2,000 children aged 10 to 14, even though children under 16 cannot legally consent to sex. These realities reflect deeply entrenched gender inequality, violence, and the systematic erosion of bodily autonomy. They expose a deeper truth: what is often framed as consent is shaped, and frequently distorted, by power.

The right to decide what is done to one's body lies at the core of human dignity, freedom from violence, and bodily and psychological integrity. Article 4 of the Maputo Protocol, which South Africa ratified in December 2004, affirms these protections. Still, consent cannot be reduced to a simple "yes" or "no." It is a clear, voluntary, and enthusiastic agreement to engage in a specific act, given without pressure, force, manipulation, or intimidation, and it can be withdrawn at any time. Crucially, however, consent does not occur in a vacuum. It is shaped by power, vulnerability, and whether the surrounding environment allows for genuine choice. Where inequality, coercion, or fear operate, even subtly, what looks like agreement may not be consent at all.

In South Africa, this reality plays out in stark and measurable ways. High rates of gender-based violence, sexual assault, and teenage pregnancy reveal how often consent is undermined or ignored. For many young girls, "consent" is negotiated in silence, in classrooms, homes, and relationships where saying no carries consequences. The widespread underreporting of these violations, particularly among vulnerable groups, further underscores that consent cannot be assumed in contexts marked by inequality and fear.

South African law recognises this complexity. The amended Sexual Offences Act of 2021 defines consent as a voluntary and uncoerced agreement, explicitly stating that force, intimidation, threats, or deception render sexual acts involuntary. It further acknowledges that the abuse of power or authority can inhibit a person's ability to refuse, thereby invalidating consent. The Domestic Violence Amendment Act of 2021 further expands protections by recognising coercive control as a form of abuse.

These legal developments reflect a broader understanding: consent cannot be separated from the conditions under which it is given. South Africa's legal history illustrates how distorted notions of consent have long been embedded in both law and society. Until 1993, husbands were exempted from prosecution for rape or sexual violence against their wives, a legal fiction that treated marriage as permanent consent. Although the Prevention of Family Violence Act of 1993 abolished that exemption, its legacy persists in harmful social beliefs that continue to shape attitudes toward sex and gender. The shadows of these myths persist, with many still believing that marriage creates a duty of consent, revealing how deeply law and social norms remain intertwined.

Similarly, the decision in S v Zuma permitted the cross-examination of a complainant's sexual history as evidence of consent, reinforcing prejudicial assumptions about women's credibility and sexual behaviour. The law has since been amended to render such evidence inadmissible and irrelevant.

More recent jurisprudence has sought to correct these misconceptions. In Makhanda v Coko (2024), the Supreme Court of Appeal overturned a High Court ruling that implied consent to one sexual act could extend to another, affirming that consent must be specific, ongoing, and independently established. The idea that silence implies agreement or that lack of resistance equals consent continues to distort public understanding, particularly among young people who lack the knowledge, confidence, or safety to assert their boundaries.

Power dynamics operate in relationships and society whenever one person holds significantly more power than another. This imbalance may be rooted in age, gender, economic dependence, social status, or authority. In such contexts, agreement is often shaped by fear, survival, or obligation rather than genuine choice. Even in the absence of overt coercion, unequal power makes refusal feel impossible. This is especially true in relationships such as teacher-learner or employer-employee, where the imbalance is so profound that consent is inherently compromised. In these contexts, the law and ethics are clear: those in positions of authority carry a responsibility never to exploit vulnerability or trust.

Consent, then, is not merely a legal concept. It is a question of safety, dignity, equality, and freedom from fear. True consent requires conditions in which individuals, particularly those most vulnerable, can refuse without risking violence, punishment, ridicule, or loss of support. Addressing this requires more than legal reform. Young people must be equipped to recognise coercion, grooming, and manipulation and understand their rights. Communities, schools, and institutions must challenge the norms that enable abuse and silence survivors. The Government must move beyond commitments and accelerate implementation, while the National Strategic Plan on Gender-Based Violence and Femicide (2020–2030) cannot remain aspirational. It must translate into comprehensive sexuality education, adequately funded survivor-centred services, and sustained public engagement.

Until power is addressed, consent will remain a legal concept denied in lived reality.

The Forum revealed both progress and persistent challenges in addressing GBV. Discussions highlighted systemic drivers such as patriarchy, harmful cultural norms, economic dependency, digital exclusion and weak implementation of existing policies. Participants underscored the need to shift from crisis response to prevention, to strengthen survivor-centred justice and to expand inclusive approaches that recognise the intersecting vulnerabilities of women, youth, LGBTQIA+ persons, people with disabilities and rural communities.

Five thematic pillars guided deliberations: access to justice, education systems, overcoming funding gaps, technology and digital tools, and men as partners in prevention. Central to all these was the call for structural transformation, collective accountability and long-term investment in community-driven solutions. As one participant reflected: 'Behind every statistic is a shattered life; [hence] prevention should be on all our agendas.'

Good practices showcased during the Forum – from mobile courts and community paralegals to youth led advocacy, survivor networks, faith-based partnerships and innovative digital tools – illustrated what is possible when responses are inclusive, well resourced and locally owned. Participants agreed that stronger regional collaboration, flexible funding models and political will are essential to scale such innovations and close persistent gaps.

This report consolidates the key challenges, promising practices, and strategic recommendations from the Forum. It serves as both a record of collective insight and a roadmap for governments, civil society, donors, and communities to strengthen
prevention and response to GBV in Southern Africa.