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	<title>CSVR | </title>
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	<link>https://csvr.org.za</link>
	<description>The Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation</description>
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	<title>CSVR | </title>
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	<item>
		<title>Promoting Transitional Justice and Accountability in Africa</title>
		<link>https://csvr.org.za/promoting-transitional-justice-and-accountability-in-africa/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Bobuin Jr Valery Gemandze Oben]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 May 2026 12:27:03 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Publications]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[African Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Amnesty]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Criminal Justice]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Peacebuilding]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Prosecutions and Pardons]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Torture and State Violence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Transitional Justice]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Trauma and Transition]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://csvr.org.za/?p=15525</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This policy paper examines justice and accountability mechanisms in conflict and post-conflict contexts across Africa, focusing on how states can deliver meaningful accountability while building sustainable peace. From Uganda's 20-year-long insurgency, which displaced 1.5 million civilians, to the genocide in...]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This policy paper examines justice and accountability mechanisms in conflict and post-conflict contexts across Africa, focusing on how states can deliver meaningful accountability while building sustainable peace. From Uganda's 20-year-long insurgency, which displaced 1.5 million civilians, to the genocide in Rwanda, which claimed 800 000 lives, to Sierra Leone's civil war, which occasioned the deaths of 100 000 people, to more recent conflicts in South Sudan, where over 400 000 individuals have died since 2013, Ethiopia's Tigray conflict, The Gambia's transition from dictatorship, and ongoing violence in the Central African Republic and the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.3 Throughout these cases, six critical issues can be identified that threaten the effectiveness of justice and accountability initiatives.</p>
<a href="https://csvr.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/801146-CSVR-PB-Promoting-justice-and-accountability-in-Africa-WEB.pdf" class="pdfemb-viewer" style="width: 600px; " data-width="600" data-height="max" data-mobile-width="500"  data-scrollbar="none" data-download="on" data-tracking="on" data-newwindow="on" data-pagetextbox="off" data-scrolltotop="on" data-startzoom="100" data-startfpzoom="100" data-toolbar="top" data-toolbar-fixed="off">801146 CSVR PB Promoting justice and accountability in Africa WEB<br/></a>
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		<item>
		<title>The State of Torture Report</title>
		<link>https://csvr.org.za/the-state-of-torture-report/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Sinqobile Makhathini,&nbsp;Amina Mwaikambo&nbsp;and&nbsp;Cathy-Ann Potgieter]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 28 Nov 2024 09:40:50 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Publications]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Pre Democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Torture and State Violence]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://csvr.org.za/?p=13863</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Torture in South Africa has a complex and troubling history rooted in colonial and apartheid practices, where torture was used frequently by state security forces to suppress dissent and control Black and marginalised communities. Despite legal reforms during the post-apartheid...]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><span data-contrast="auto">Torture in South Africa has a complex and troubling history rooted in colonial and apartheid practices, where torture was used frequently by state security forces to suppress dissent and control Black and marginalised communities. Despite legal reforms during the post-apartheid dispensation, concerns about torture and ill-treatment persist, often associated with law enforcement practices and conditions in detention centres. Challenges therefore remain in fully eradicating torture practices and ensuring accountability within the justice and law enforcement systems.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;335551550&quot;:6,&quot;335551620&quot;:6}"> </span></p>
<p><span data-contrast="auto">This report aims to examine the prevalence and persistence of torture in South Africa to assess the current gaps in legal protections, <span class="TextRun SCXW124697596 BCX8" lang="EN-ZA" xml:lang="EN-ZA" data-contrast="auto"><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW124697596 BCX8">as well as provide recommendations for enhanced monitoring, accountability, and victim support. </span></span></span></p>
<a href="https://csvr.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/CSVR-State-of-Torture-Report-2.pdf" class="pdfemb-viewer" style="width: 600px; " data-width="600" data-height="max" data-mobile-width="500"  data-scrollbar="none" data-download="on" data-tracking="on" data-newwindow="on" data-pagetextbox="off" data-scrolltotop="on" data-startzoom="100" data-startfpzoom="100" data-toolbar="top" data-toolbar-fixed="off">CSVR State of Torture Report-2<br/></a>
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		<item>
		<title>NON STATE ACTORS SUBMISSION TO THE SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY (SADC) MEMBER STATES ON THE URGENT NEED TO PROTECT CIVILIANS IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO (DRC)</title>
		<link>https://csvr.org.za/non-state-actors-submission-to-the-southern-african-development-community-sadc-member-states-on-the-urgent-need-to-protect-civilians-in-the-democratic-republic-of-congo-drc/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[CSVR]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 15 Aug 2024 10:33:47 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Media]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Children and Youth]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Criminal Justice]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Torture and State Violence]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://csvr.org.za/?p=13672</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The DRC war has lasted decades, and the escalation in violence since 2022 and more recently in February 2024, caused by fighting and armed violence in Ituri, North and South Kivu, has resulted in an increasing number of citizens displaced...]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The DRC war has lasted decades, and the escalation in violence since 2022 and more recently in February 2024, caused by fighting and armed violence in Ituri, North and South Kivu, has resulted in an increasing number of citizens displaced and trapped in famine, war, and atrocities including sexual gender-based violence. It has once again drawn in its neighbours and regional forces – raising the risk of regional instability.  The eastern DRC is now one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world.</p>
<p>With news in late July 2024 of a ceasefire and its extension accompanying the resumption of ministerial-level talks between DRC and Rwanda showing positive signs of momentum, we believe that SADC can build on the exemplary leadership it has displayed in its commitment to resolve the DRC conflict. SADC's unanimous decision to deploy troops in support of the DRC in July 2023, by Summit and Organ Troika has ushered in an opportunity for the august body to continue to call for peace negotiations to progress. The central role of 'human security' in SADC's approach to peace and security issues, and the commitment to peace and security as a foundation for development, expressed in the SADC Vision 2050 is evident in the leadership role it has played in the Quadripartite Summit and beyond.</p>
<p><strong>While these efforts are in place, there are still major concerns as follows:</strong></p>
<ul>
<li><em>Impact of the conflict on ordinary civilians</em>;</li>
<li><em>The Luanda process;</em> while the reinvigoration of talks at ministerial level is a welcome positive development, the momentum must be sustained and the Heads of State and Government of the DRC and Rwanda must be encouraged to meet and finalise negotiations in good faith.</li>
<li><em>The Nairobi process</em>; seems to have stalled due to the unwillingness of the parties. However, the mandate that it has i.e. to engage all armed actors who are party to the conflict is a necessity for the sustainability of any peace agreement that is brokered regarding the eastern DRC. SADC must press on President Tshisekedi to kick start this process.</li>
<li><em>The ceasefire</em>; we commend the extension of the humanitarian truce, however updates from communities and organisations working on the ground indicate that the violence has not necessarily stopped.</li>
<li><em>The 2<sup>nd</sup> Quadripartite Summit</em>; the 1<sup>st</sup> Quadripartite Summit hosted by Angola in 2023 was encouraging and the PSC decision for the AU Commission to facilitate the 2<sup>nd</sup> Quadripartite Summit is important. However, we note that at the anniversary of the 1<sup>st</sup> Summit, this was not held and still hasn't been held to date.</li>
</ul>
<p>We particularly welcome the Summit of the Troika of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation on 16 August 2024 which will be focussing (among other things) on the deployment of SAMIDRC in the eastern DRC. As such, <strong>we call upon SADC leaders to use the opportunity of this meeting to call for more immediate and decisive action as follows;</strong></p>
<ol>
<li><strong>Build on the </strong><a href="https://www.sadc.int/latest-news/samidrc-emphasises-importance-humanitarian-coordination-during-its-operations"><strong>existing commitments on humanitarian protection by SAMIDRC</strong></a><strong> by strengthening accountability mechanisms of troop contributing countries </strong>to ensure full compliance with International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and International Human Rights laws; and improving access to justice for citizens and victims of abuse (as well as sexual and gender-based violence abuses) by Southern African Mission in the DRC (SAMIDRC) troops.</li>
<li><strong>Leverage the SADC Summit being held on 17 &amp; 18 August, 2024 to </strong><strong>continue to push for peaceful and meaningful dialogue</strong> to resolve the conflict and humanitarian crisis. <strong>This includes:</strong>
<ol>
<li>Ensuring the resumption of the "Nairobi" Process as a prerequisite for effective<strong> coordination with the "Luanda" process </strong>– possibly through the revitalisation of the AU's Framework Agreement.</li>
<li>That negotiation ensures the involvement of all political actors involved in the conflict. It is only when you bring all voices to the table, and they are heard equally &#8211; that peace in the eastern DRC will have a fighting chance.</li>
<li>Urging the AUC <strong>to speed up the holding of the 2<sup>nd</sup> Quadripartite Summit</strong> to facilitate more active engagement by the relevant Regional Economic Communities (RECs) and help contain this war from spreading into the region.</li>
<li>Facilitating and<strong> guaranteeing the meaningful leadership and participation of Congolese citizens &#8211; </strong>particularly women and youth through their local civil society representatives &#8211; in all peace processes.</li>
</ol>
</li>
</ol>
<p><strong>In addition, SADC must also:</strong></p>
<ol start="3">
<li>Call for all parties to continue <strong>to respect the</strong> <strong>global ceasefire and indefinite humanitarian truce</strong> that must be adhered to by all parties.</li>
<li>Urgently provide a <strong>sustainable and effective civilian protection mechanism</strong> (including protection and accountability for conflict related SGBV violations) in the Eastern DRC to address the vacuum following the planned withdrawal of MONUSCO. This includes:
<ol>
<li>coordinated efforts to influence all Congolese parties to implement treaties and political agreements, including those providing for an integrated national army and the demobilization of armed groups in eastern Congo;</li>
<li>continued urging of Rwanda to meet its obligations in the treaties, i.e. not to have a military presence in DRC and not to support any armed group operating in Eastern Congo; and</li>
<li>a concrete plan to rid foreign armed groups operating in the DRC.</li>
</ol>
</li>
<li><strong>Continue calling out and denounce in strongest terms the use of 'hate speech'</strong> and incendiary language by all parties, emphasising the risk this poses in escalating ethnic divisions with potentially disastrous consequences.
<ol>
<li>Support local conflict resolution and peacebuilding processes to address localised concerns and to mitigate ethnic tensions and</li>
<li>This includes the substantive involvement of women and youth in the negotiating process as leaders, representatives of their communities who are empowered to make decisions.</li>
</ol>
</li>
<li>Support civil society calls for a <strong>national dialogue in the DRC.</strong></li>
</ol>
<p><strong>BACKGROUND</strong></p>
<p>On 27 March 2024, the Special Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations for the DRC, Ms. Bintou Keita, sounded the alarm on<strong> "the humanitarian catastrophe"</strong> in the Eastern DRC.</p>
<p><em>"More than 7.1 million people are displaced, or 800,000 in the last three months. And food insecurity affects 23.4 million people, or one of four Congolese&#8230; Furthermore, for the month of January 2024 alone, 10,400 cases of gender-based violence were reported throughout the country."</em><strong> </strong></p>
<p><strong>The Humanitarian Catastrophe</strong></p>
<ul>
<li>Of the<a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/rapid-gender-analysis-kanyaruchina-displacement-site-goma-north-kivu-woman-has-do-anything-provide-her-family-march-2024#:~:text=As%20of%2015%20March%202024,people%20reside%20with%20host%20families."> over 500 000 people displaced</a> in and around Goma, an estimated 58% are women and 14% are children under 5 years.</li>
<li>9 million people, especially in remote and conflict-ridden areas, have limited access to essential and life-saving medical services.</li>
<li>6% of women and 40.9% children need medical care, including due to sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV)</li>
</ul>
<p><strong>Prevalence of SGBV</strong></p>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/health-sector-drc-crumbles-amidst-conflict-negatively-impacting-survivors-sexual-assault">52% of women will face SGBV in their lifetime and 39% of girls will be forcibly married in DRC before reaching 18 years</a>.</li>
<li>In Goma alone, over 70 SGBV-affected women are treated daily at clinics, with over 35,000 cases reported since the beginning of 2023.</li>
</ul>
<p><strong><u> </u></strong></p>
<p><strong><u>Addressing Root Causes</u></strong></p>
<ul>
<li>This specifically relates to<a href="https://issafrica.org/iss-today/rampant-cobalt-smuggling-and-corruption-deny-billions-to-drc"> the looting</a> of the country's mineral wealth by foreign states and non-state actors.</li>
</ul>
<p><strong><u> </u></strong><strong> </strong></p>
<p><strong>SIGNATORIES</strong></p>
<ol>
<li>Solidarité Féminine Pour la paix et le Développement intégral (SOFEPADI), Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)</li>
<li>Congo Peace Network, Goma (DRC)</li>
<li>Justice-Plus, Bunia, (DRC)</li>
<li>Association pour le Développement des Initiatives Paysannes (ASSODIP), Goma, DRC</li>
<li>Badilika Human Rights (DRC)</li>
<li>Association des Cultivateurs des Collectivités de Batangi et Bamate (ACUCOBA ONG), DRC</li>
<li>Aide et Action Pour la Paix (AAP ONG), DRC</li>
</ol>
<ol start="8">
<li>Action Chrétienne pour le Développement Communautaire (ACDCS), (DRC)</li>
<li>Congolese Family for Joy (DRC)</li>
<li>Life and Peace Institute, Bukavu, (DRC)</li>
<li>la LUCHA: Lutte pour le Changement, (DRC)</li>
<li>Women's International Peace Centre (WIPC), (Uganda)</li>
<li>FEMNET, African Women's Development and Communication Network</li>
<li>Pan African Network for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PANPAPS)</li>
<li>Pan-African Lawyers Union (PALU)</li>
<li>Africans Rising</li>
<li>Southern African Council of Non-Governmental Organisations (SAf-CNGO), (Botswana)</li>
<li>Child Rights Network for Southern Africa (CRNSA), (South Africa)</li>
<li>Center for Democracy and Human Rights (CDD), (Mozambique)</li>
<li>Africa Women in Energy Network (AWEN), (Tanzania)</li>
<li>The Denis Hurley Peace Institute (DHPI), (South Africa)</li>
<li>Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR), (South Africa)</li>
<li>Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR), (South Africa)</li>
</ol>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
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		<title>TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE TOOLS TO ADDRESS RADICALISM AND  VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN THE SAHEL REGION.</title>
		<link>https://csvr.org.za/transitional-justice-tools-to-address-radicalism-and-violent-extremism-in-the-sahel-region/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Bobuin Jr Valery Gemandze Oben]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 26 Feb 2024 16:25:44 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Publications]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Study on the Violent Nature of Crime]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Torture and State Violence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Transitional Justice]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://csvr.org.za/?p=12861</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[These 3 case studies review the manifestation of violent extremism in the Sahel region, particularly in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. It contains an analysis of the militaristic approaches adopted so far in addressing this phenomenon. However the research argues...]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>These 3 case studies review the manifestation of violent extremism in the Sahel region, particularly in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. It contains an analysis of the militaristic approaches adopted so far in addressing this phenomenon. However the research argues that such an approach does not effectively address the root causes of this phenomenon. Transitional justice tools are thus proffered as the appropriate approach in addressing radicalism and violent extremism in Africa</p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><a href="https://csvr.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Violent-Extremism-and-TJ-case-study-Burkina-Faso-EN-1.pdf" class="pdfemb-viewer" style="width: 600px; " data-width="600" data-height="max" data-mobile-width="500"  data-scrollbar="none" data-download="on" data-tracking="on" data-newwindow="on" data-pagetextbox="off" data-scrolltotop="on" data-startzoom="100" data-startfpzoom="100" data-toolbar="top" data-toolbar-fixed="off">Violent-Extremism-and-TJ-case-study-Burkina-Faso-EN<br/></a> <a href="https://csvr.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Violent-Extremism-and-TJ-case-study-Burkina-Faso-FR.pdf" class="pdfemb-viewer" style="width: 600px; " data-width="600" data-height="max" data-mobile-width="500"  data-scrollbar="none" data-download="on" data-tracking="on" data-newwindow="on" data-pagetextbox="off" data-scrolltotop="on" data-startzoom="100" data-startfpzoom="100" data-toolbar="top" data-toolbar-fixed="off">Violent-Extremism-and-TJ-case-study-Burkina-Faso-FR<br/></a> <a href="https://csvr.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Violent-Extremism-and-TJ-case-study-Mali-EN.pdf" class="pdfemb-viewer" style="width: 600px; " data-width="600" data-height="max" data-mobile-width="500"  data-scrollbar="none" data-download="on" data-tracking="on" data-newwindow="on" data-pagetextbox="off" data-scrolltotop="on" data-startzoom="100" data-startfpzoom="100" data-toolbar="top" data-toolbar-fixed="off">Violent-Extremism-and-TJ-case-study-Mali-EN<br/></a> <a href="https://csvr.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Violent-Extremism-and-TJ-case-study-Mali-FR.pdf" class="pdfemb-viewer" style="width: 600px; " data-width="600" data-height="max" data-mobile-width="500"  data-scrollbar="none" data-download="on" data-tracking="on" data-newwindow="on" data-pagetextbox="off" data-scrolltotop="on" data-startzoom="100" data-startfpzoom="100" data-toolbar="top" data-toolbar-fixed="off">Violent-Extremism-and-TJ-case-study-Mali-FR<br/></a> <a href="https://csvr.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Violent-Extremism-and-TJ-case-study-Niger-EN.pdf" class="pdfemb-viewer" style="width: 600px; " data-width="600" data-height="max" data-mobile-width="500"  data-scrollbar="none" data-download="on" data-tracking="on" data-newwindow="on" data-pagetextbox="off" data-scrolltotop="on" data-startzoom="100" data-startfpzoom="100" data-toolbar="top" data-toolbar-fixed="off">Violent-Extremism-and-TJ-case-study-Niger-EN<br/></a> <a href="https://csvr.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Violent-Extremism-and-TJ-case-study-Niger-FR.pdf" class="pdfemb-viewer" style="width: 600px; " data-width="600" data-height="max" data-mobile-width="500"  data-scrollbar="none" data-download="on" data-tracking="on" data-newwindow="on" data-pagetextbox="off" data-scrolltotop="on" data-startzoom="100" data-startfpzoom="100" data-toolbar="top" data-toolbar-fixed="off">Violent-Extremism-and-TJ-case-study-Niger-FR<br/></a></p>
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		<item>
		<title>Pan-African Reparation Perspectives, Issue 4</title>
		<link>https://csvr.org.za/pari-newsletter-issue-4-may-2022-copy/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[CSVR]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 01 Nov 2022 20:46:34 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Publications]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Criminal Justice]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Policing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Torture and State Violence]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://csvr.org.za/pari-newsletter-issue-4-may-2022-copy/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[A newsletter that contains three articles from members then gives updates from member organisations on recent activities. These insightful writings cover topics focusing on discriminatory torture of LGBTIQ+ persons which highlights the Azul case and work on protection of marginalised persons from violence. In addition to this the critical role of independent policing oversight bodies in enhancing police accountability is highlighted.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>A newsletter that contains three articles from members then gives updates from member organisations on recent activities. These insightful writings cover topics focusing on discriminatory torture of LGBTIQ+ persons which highlights the Azul case and work on protection of marginalised persons from violence. In addition to this the critical role of independent policing oversight bodies in enhancing police accountability is highlighted.</p>
<a href="https://csvr.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/PARI-Newsletter-Issue-4-May-2022-1.pdf" class="pdfemb-viewer" style="width: 600px; " data-width="600" data-height="max" data-mobile-width="500"  data-scrollbar="none" data-download="on" data-tracking="on" data-newwindow="on" data-pagetextbox="off" data-scrolltotop="on" data-startzoom="100" data-startfpzoom="100" data-toolbar="top" data-toolbar-fixed="off">PARI Newsletter Issue 4 May 2022<br/></a>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
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		<title>The Marikana Massacre: Repair and Corporate Accountability 10 Years On</title>
		<link>https://csvr.org.za/the-marikana-massacre-repair-and-corporate-accountability-copy/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[CSVR]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 01 Nov 2022 20:31:02 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Publications]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Criminal Justice]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Policing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Torture and State Violence]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://csvr.org.za/the-marikana-massacre-repair-and-corporate-accountability-copy/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The report provides a brief description of the events in Marikana against the backdrop of the history of mining in apartheid South Africa and the subsequent transition to democracy. It unpacks the various initiatives undertaken in response to the massacre, focusing particularly on the measures to address the needs of injured and arrested mineworkers as well as the families of those who were killed. In seeking to unpack corporate accountability and corporate responses, the report focuses particular attention on the initiatives undertaken by the mining company (Lonmin and later Sibanye) in addressing victim and community needs in the wake of the massacre. The report seeks to understand the various perspectives of different stakeholders on these initiatives, and the opportunities and challenges faced in taking these processes forward.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<a href="https://csvr.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/800648-R-CSVR-Marikana-Report-WEB.pdf" class="pdfemb-viewer" style="width: 600px; " data-width="600" data-height="max" data-mobile-width="500"  data-scrollbar="none" data-download="on" data-tracking="on" data-newwindow="on" data-pagetextbox="off" data-scrolltotop="on" data-startzoom="100" data-startfpzoom="100" data-toolbar="top" data-toolbar-fixed="off">800648-R-CSVR-Marikana-Report-WEB<br/></a>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
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