The most significant police reform initiatives of the post-De Klerk period were the South African Police's Strategic Plan and the National Peace Accord provisions on policing. This paper evaluates these provisions, and critically assesses the state of police reform in South Africa.
This proposal sets out guidelines for monitoring of political violence in the immediate future. The proposal covers both local (domestic) and international monitoring agencies. While monitoring is often assumed to refer to all aspects related to political conflict, the accepted focus of monitoring in the international context is the conduct of armed forces.
This working paper attempts to account for the character of the police forces in the homelands. It also briefly sets out some of the issues to be addressed in the process of re-incorporating (re-integrating) the police institutions of the TBVC states and self-governing territories into a national policing agency.
Dramatic developments in South African politics since mid-1991 put the spotlight on the critical role of the security forces in a transitional period of reform. Previous issues include media revelations of collusion between the security establishment and the lnkatha Freedom Party, biased policing of the violence and the reshuffle of the key Law & Order and Defence portfolios. To complement Clifford Shearing's review of the draft Peace Accord unveiled in August 1991, Janine Rauch evaluates previous institutional reforms within the South African Police.
This paper suggests that rehabilitation is the process which makes it possible for an institutionalised and ostracised individual to function as a responsible citizen by enabling him to exercise his rights to meet his obligations. This does not address the dilemma of rehabilitation should the individual not have rights or the resources necessary to meet his obligations. This paper examines the likelihood of successful rehabilitation for two contrasting examples: firstly of an individual whose primary material needs cannot be met and secondly of an individual whose material needs can be realised and whose primary requirements would be social and personal rehabilitation.
This paper looks to define torture and those that experience it. It emphasizes that torture destroys the voice of the victim, while censorship destroys the voice of those who might speak on her behalf. Torture destroys language, the contents of consciousness, the Self and the predictability of human interaction. In this way it attempts to annihilate the humanity of the victim, but at the same time brutalises the torturer and state officials involved.